The Kingdom of Thailand is unique among the nations of South Asia. Throughout its long history, Thailand has escaped occupation by the European colonial powers, thereby allowing it to develop its own home-grown brand of governance without any hindrance. In recent months, however, the once-venerated monarchy has been increasingly criticised from within the country, as for the first time pro-democracy protesters openly vent their displeasure at their king and not just at their government. Once-peaceful protests have become increasingly violent, as pro-democracy activists and yellow-shirted royalists angrily confront each other on the streets of Bangkok, and further away in the provinces.
Despite being spared destabilising foreign influences, Thailand has not proved to be a bastion of political stability. Ever since the first successful coup-the Siamese Revolution of 1932-there have been a total of thirteen successful and nine unsuccessful coups d’état. This turbulence has apparently been caused by the fact that when it comes to the rule of politics, Thailand is neither completely authoritarian nor fully democratic. The latest coup, in May 2014, led to the replacement of billionaire Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra by General Prayut Chan-o-cha, Commander of the Royal Thai Army, who subsequently went on to win the October 2019 general election. Since then, Prayut’s imposition of an Emergency Decree on 26 March 2020 in response to the Covid-19 pandemic has led to widespread dissatisfaction with its harsh measures, which have caused much economic hardship among Thai citizens.
Anti-government protests are not uncommon in Thailand, in keeping with its particular brand of intertwined monarchy and democracy. Earlier, in February 2020, there were limited protests following the proscription of a new pro-democracy party-the Future Forward Party. This was followed, on 18 July, by a mass demonstration in Bangkok, when the government was presented with three demands, including the dissolution of parliament, an end to the intimidation of citizens, and the drafting of a new constitution. A new dimension to these protests was to emerge thereafter, on 2 August, with ten new demands for reform of the monarchy, something hitherto unthinkable. In particular, there were calls for an end to the immunity of the King against defamation and legal action, for defunding of the Royal Palace, and for an end to the unconditional veneration of the monarch in Thailand’s schools.
Thailand ceased to be an absolute monarchy in 1932, becoming a constitutional monarchy instead. The King took on more of a ceremonial role thereafter as head of state, staying away from any involvement in active politics. Respect for the monarchy soared under the long-ruling and much-revered King Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama IX), father of the present King, whose death in October 2016 was an occasion for heartfelt national mourning. But since then, under his son, Maha Vajiralongkorn(Rama X), things have got significantly worse, triggering a new wave of disrespect for the monarchy.
Maha Vajiralongkorn was born in Bangkok in 1952, the second child and only son of Bhumibol Adulyadej and Sirikit Kitiyakara. Schooling in the UK and in Australia was followed by four years as an officer-cadet at the Royal Military College in Duntroon, near Canberra, from where he graduated as a lieutenant in 1976. Having been named Crown Prince in 1972, one might have expected him to follow a conventional, and uncontroversial, path in the lead-up to the succession to the throne. Instead, Vajiralongkorn took to a life of hedonism, marked by conspicuous consumption, an indulgence in mistresses, and lavish spending on such memorable events as the birthdays and funeral (in 2015) of his pet poodle, Foo Foo, who at one time held the honorary rank of Air Chief Marshal.
The King’s eccentricities may well have been accepted as part of the privilege and wealth that came with his exalted position. After all, he is believed to be the wealthiest princely ruler in the world. But he also showed a darker side, as he continued to consolidate his power by taking direct control over the royal assets, directly appointing high-ranking military officials, and even bringing two army units under his command, But then came Covid-19. At a time of national crisis, he unfortunately chose to stay aloof from troubling events back home, instead spending much of his time hidden away at a luxury hotel in the Bavarian ski resort of Garmisch-Partenkirchen.
For many in Thailand, the monarchy is a sacred institution, protected against any criticism by the nation’s criminal code. The very image of the King is sacrosanct, and cannot be defaced with impunity, as for example on currency notes. A symbiosis between a powerful military and the God-like monarchy has turned out to be mutually beneficial and ensured the rise of an all-powerful ruling elite, joined in recent years by Thailand’s many oligarch billionaires.
For the first time in Thailand, people are openly demonstrating their frustration with the monarchy. Reform may eventually happen, but is by no means certain, as the protectors of the status quo appear to currently outnumber the students, workers, intellectuals and others engaged in active protest. But no eventuality can be totally discounted, given the way the 21st century is panning out. Maybe Thailand will turn into a new country, with a stronger democracy, in the end.
Ashis Banerjee